Today, documenting sexual violence crimes are integral to war documentation by NGOs, journalists, and international organizations alike.
Further, there was an increasing engagement in the social science research community to understand the mechanisms that created fertile grounds for sexual violence to be seen as an efficient and purposeful weapon of war.
They assumed that victims would be ostracized, families and communities being torn apart, perpetrators looming large, and little or no political attention to these crimes. The core argument conveyed by the authors of these texts was the conceptualization of sexual violence as a weapon of war, and that academics and policy makers alike needed to recognize this.
As we know, this was exactly the way in which scholars and policy makers talked about sexual violence in war in the years that followed.
Finally, but opposed to the has been predominantly and historically focused on protection and mitigation of the impact on victims.
The predator, or perpetrator, and the sociopolitical context which encourages, or silently accepts, and permits, this behavior have far too often been sidelined in academic and policy analyses, a development which is about to change, and will be discussed later in this text.Contact us if you experience any difficulty logging in.which analyzed 140 studies on sexual violence in war published in the 1900s. Today a quick Google search will yield thousands of hits.Access to society journal content varies across our titles.If you have access to a journal via a society or association membership, please browse to your society journal, select an article to view, and follow the instructions in this box.The focus has almost exclusively been on the predator and the personal and sociopolitical traits he embodies.Conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) is a different kind of violence and abuse, but there are similarities with the started to speak up. Women who were held captive as sex slaves by Japanese forces one generation ago (Chai 1993; Chung 1994; Hicks 1994; Sancho 1997; Soh 1996) have told about their ordeals as so-called “comfort women.” Bosnian victims gave testimony to journalists and human rights reporters on such a scale and so early in the conflicts that the phenomenon could not be overlooked or ignored by policy makers, academics, and first responders in conflict settings (Allen 1996; Seifert 1994; Stiglmayer 1994).From having been a hidden and overlooked phenomenon, CRSV became increasingly front and center stage in war reporting, fact-finding, and policy making in the 2000s.Further, the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 in 2000 and the pursuant resolutions that make up the so-called Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda ensured international political leadership and engagement in the prevention and mitigation of CRSV.The hashtag, based on a campaign initiated by activist Tarana Burke more than 10 years ago, and picked up by American actor Alyssa Milano, enabled a mode and a language to articulate experiences that far too many women had kept to themselves.Person of the Year 2017, a testament to the impact the campaign has had.